Homeland Security News 国土安全部新闻

Chairman Lieberman; Senator Collins.主席利伯曼参议员柯林斯。 Distinguished Members.尊敬的成员。
Violent extremism is a major problem in a number of contemporary societies; violent Islamist extremism has become a serious global threat, and could remain so during the next few decades.暴力极端主义是一个重大问题在一些当代社会;暴力的伊斯兰极端主义已成为一个严重的全球性威胁，并可能继续下去，在未来的几十年。 In order to more effectively thwart this threat, it is necessary to explore and better understand its roots.为了更有效地阻止这种威胁，有必要探讨和更好地理解其根源。 For this reason, I am grateful to you for inviting me to present my views regarding the ideological roots of violent Islamist extremism.出于这个原因，我很感谢你邀请我提出我的看法的思想根源，暴力伊斯兰极端主义。
Because ideology is a major focus in this hearing, let me begin by clarifying my own ideological biases.由于思想，是一个主要的重点在这个听证会上，首先请允许我澄清我自己的意识形态偏见。 Like hundreds of millions of other Muslims, my hope and goal is that Islamic societies, including those of the Near and Middle East, will become far more politically, culturally, and economically open in the future.像数以亿计的其他穆斯林，我的希望和目标是伊斯兰社会，其中包括近东和中东，将变得更加政治，文化，经济开放的未来。 The open, democratic Islamic society will be more peaceful, more productive, more affluent, more just, and better for the global economy.在开放的，民主的伊斯兰社会将更加和平，更加富有成效，更富裕，更公正，更好地为全球经济。 To a significant degree, higher oil prices are the result of dictatorships, monopolies, corruption, a lack of open competition, and inefficiency.在很大程度上，高油价的原因是独裁，垄断，腐败，缺乏公开竞争，效率低下。
But to achieve more open Islamic societies there are major obstacles to overcome, and violent Islamist extremism is one such major obstacle.但要实现更加开放的伊斯兰社会有重大的障碍需要克服，和暴力的伊斯兰极端主义就是这样的一个重大障碍。 In order to evaluate this particular obstacle, I find it instructive to review the letter of invitation I received, which states the purpose of the present Senate hearing to be “to explore the ideology that is the root source for the radicalization of potential followers of al-Qaeda and other Islamist terrorist organizations around the world”.为了评估这种特殊的障碍，我觉得有启发性审查的邀请函我收到了，其中规定在本参议院听证会上将“探索思想是根源的激进的潜在追随者基地组织和其他伊斯兰恐怖组织在世界各地“ 。 I believe it is useful to critically assess the assumption that an ideology is “the root source for the radicalization of potential followers of al-Qaeda and other Islamist terrorist organizations around the world”.我认为这是有益的，并审慎评估的假设是一种意识形态是“根源的激进的潜在追随者基地组织和其他伊斯兰恐怖组织在世界各地” 。
An ideology does not arise in a vacuum, nor does it influence behavior in a vacuum.一种意识形态不会出现在真空中，也不影响行为在真空中进行。 An ideology can only impact behavior under given conditions, when other necessary factors are present.思想只能影响行为的条件下，当其他必要的因素都存在。
In the Georgetown University libraries, there are many books that espouse potentially dangerous ideologies.在美国乔治敦大学的图书馆，有许多书籍，支持具有潜在危险的意识形态。 Why is it that young women and men at Georgetown are not influenced by the many dangerous books available, including works on fascism, anarchism, and various kinds of religious fundamentalism?为什么青年男女在乔治敦没有影响，许多危险的书籍，其中包括工程，法西斯主义，无政府主义和各种宗教原教旨主义？ Why do they not turn to terrorism?他们为什么不把恐怖主义？ Clearly because the availability of a violent extremist ideology serves as a necessary, but is not a sufficient, cause for terrorist action.显然，因为有一个暴力极端主义意识形态提供了必要的，但没有充分的，令人恐怖的行动。
We must ask, then, what are the factors that combine with a particular ideology to lead to violent Islamist extremism?我们必须自问，那么，是什么因素，结合特定的意识形态导致暴力伊斯兰极端主义？ How does an ideology supportive of violent Islamist extremism come to influence individuals to support and commit acts of terrorism?如何意识形态支持伊斯兰极端主义暴力来影响个人的支持和犯下恐怖主义行为？ I have addressed this question by adopting a ‘big picture’ approach1, exploring radicalization and terrorism in the context of cultural evolution and globalization.我已经解决了这个问题通过了一项'全貌' approach1 ，探索激进主义和恐怖主义方面的文化演进和全球化的影响。 In order to clarify my viewpoint, I have found it useful to adopt a staircase metaphor of radicalization and terrorism.为了澄清我的观点，我认为应该通过一项楼梯比喻激进主义和恐怖主义。

The Staircase To Terrorism楼梯恐怖主义
Consider a multi-story building with a winding staircase at its center.考虑多层建设，以蜿蜒的楼梯在其中心。 People are located on different floors of the building, but everyone begins on the ground floor; where there are about 1.2 billion Muslims.人们都位于不同的楼层建筑，但是每个人都开始在地面层，那里有大约12亿穆斯林。 Thought and action on each floor is characterized by particular psychological processes.思想和行动上各楼层的特点是特别的心理过程。 On the ground floor, the most important psychological processes influencing behavior are subjective interpretations of material conditions, perceptions of fairness, and adequacy of identity.在地面层，最重要的心理过程影响的行为是主观解释的物质条件，公平的看法，以及充足的身份。 Hundreds of millions of Muslims suffer collective (fraternal) relative deprivation and lack of adequate identity; they feel that they are not being treated fairly and are not receiving adequate material rewards.数以亿计的穆斯林遭受集体（兄弟）的相对匮乏和缺乏足够的认同，他们认为他们没有得到公平待遇，并没有得到适当的物质奖励。 They feel dissatisfied with the way they are depicted by the international media and, most importantly, they do not want to become second-class copies of Western ideals.他们感到不满意的方式描述他们是由国际媒体和最重要的是，他们不想成为二等副本西方理想。
I have argued that the Islamic population on the ground floor of the staircase to terrorism is experiencing a collective identity crisis, and that this crisis is particularly acute in the major dictatorships of the Near and Middle East.我认为，伊斯兰人口在地面层的楼梯，恐怖主义正在经历一场集体认同危机，这危机是特别严重的重大独裁统治的近东和中东。 Muslims are faced with a choice between two inadequate identities.穆斯林正面临着两种选择不足的身份。 The first involves copying the West, and confronts what I have termed ‘the good copy problem’.第一个涉及抄袭西方，面对的是我称之为'的良好复制的问题。 By copying the West, Muslims can only hope to become ‘good copies’ of borrowed Western ideals, but not to achieve authentic identities.通过复制西方，穆斯林只希望能成为良好的副本'借用西方的理想，而不是实现真正的身份。 The second path open to Muslims for identity development is represented by various kinds of Islamic fundamentalism, which push for a return to ‘pure’ Islam in the form it is assumed to have existed 1,400 years ago.第二个开放的道路穆斯林身份的发展是由各种各样的伊斯兰原教旨主义，它推动恢复'纯'伊斯兰教的形式是假定已存在1400年前。 Why is there not a third alternative, a constructive secular third path?为什么没有第三种选择，建设性的世俗的第三条道路？ The reason is that dictatorial, authoritarian forces continue to imprison, banish, or kill the secular opposition.原因是独裁，专制部队继续监禁，放逐，或杀死世俗的反对。 In country after country in the Near and Middle East, as well as in parts of central and North Africa, Islamic fundamentalism is filling the enormous vacuum left open by the despotic repression of democratic movements.后在国家的国家，近东和中东，以及部分中央和北非，伊斯兰原教旨主义是填补了巨大的真空开放的专制镇压民主运动。
This situation has resulted in a collective crisis of identity among Muslims.这种情况导致了集体认同危机的穆斯林。 This identity crisis is especially acute because about 60% of the global Muslim population is below the age of 25, and because the psychological experiences of the young are characterized by a yearning for adequate identity.这种身份危机尤其严重，因为大约60 ％的全球穆斯林人口是年龄在25岁以下，而且因为心理经验的年轻人的特点是渴望有足够的身份。
However, on the ground floor, degrees of freedom are large relative to degrees of freedom2 on the higher floors of the staircase to terrorism, and individual Muslims on the ground floor have a wider range of behavioral options.但是，在地面层，自由度大相对freedom2程度上更高的楼层的楼梯，恐怖主义，和个别穆斯林地下有一个更广泛的行为选择。 Only some individuals move up from the ground floor to the first floor, in search of ways to improve their life conditions.只有一些个人的举动从地下一楼，在搜索的方法，改善其生活条件。 These individuals in no way see themselves as terrorists or even supportive of terrorist causes; they are simply attempting to improve the situation of themselves and their groups.这些人绝不认为自己是恐怖分子，甚至支持恐怖主义的根源;他们只是试图改善自己和他们的群体。 On this floor they are particularly influenced by possibilities for individual mobility and voice.在此请他们特别影响的可能性，个人流动性和声音。 Extensive evidence has accumulated to show that when people feel their voice is listened to during the decision making process, they ‘buy into’ the system.大量证据表明已积累表明，当人们觉得他们的声音听在决策过程中，他们'收购'的制度。 However, when they feel they have no voice, they become more dissatisfied and detached.然而，当他们感觉没有发言权，他们变得更加不满和超脱。 Some of these dissatisfied individuals climb up to the second floor of the staircase, where they come under the influence of persuasive messages telling them that the root cause of their problems is external enemies, particularly America and Israel.其中有些不满意个人爬上二楼的楼梯，在那里他们受到的影响有说服力的消息告诉他们的根源，他们的问题是外部敌人，尤其是美国和以色列。 Individuals on the second floor are encouraged to displace aggression onto external targets.个人二楼感到鼓舞，以取代外部侵略的目标上。
Displacement of aggression is a well documented phenomenon in inter-group dynamics in both non-Western and Western societies.位移的侵略是一个有案可稽的现象，群体间的动态非西方国家和西方社会。 By focusing attention on so-called ‘external enemies’, those who oppose openness and democracy find it easier to:通过把注意力集中在所谓的'外部敌人' ，这些谁反对开放和民主能够更容易地：

*increase support for aggressive leadership *增加支持侵略性的领导
*silence internal critics and dissenting voices *沉默内部的批评和反对的声音
*isolate and pressure minorities *孤立和少数人的压力
*gain public support for trampling on civil liberties and human rights *获得公众的支持，践踏公民自由和人权

Many of the individuals who climb up to the second floor of the staircase remain there, but some keep climbing up to reach the third floor where they adopt a morality supportive of terrorism.许多个人谁爬上二楼的楼梯依然存在，但一些保持上升到第三层时，他们通过一项道德支持恐怖主义。 Gradually, those who have reached the third floor become divorced from the mainstream morality of their society, which generally condemns terrorism (this is also true in Islamic communities), and take on a morality supportive of an ‘ends justify the means’ approach.渐渐地，那些谁已经达到了第三层脱离的主流道德的社会，通常谴责恐怖主义（这也是真正的伊斯兰社区） ，并采取道德上的支持，目的不择手段的做法。 Those individuals who continue the climb up to the fourth floor adopt a more rigid style of categorical ‘us versus them’, ‘good against evil’ thinking.这些人谁继续爬上四楼采取更加严格的作风，明确'我们对他们' ， '好对邪恶的思想。 Their world is now unambiguously divided up into ‘black and white’, and it is seen as legitimate to attack ‘the forces of evil’ in any and every way feasible.他们的世界现在是毫不含糊地分为'黑人和白人' ，它被看作是合法的攻击'的邪恶势力，以任何方式都可行。 Some of these individuals move up to the fifth floor, where they take part in and directly support terrorist actions.其中的一些个人上升到五楼，在那里他们参与和直接支持恐怖主义行动。
Individuals who reach the highest floors of the staircase become specialized in their activities in support of terrorism.个人谁达到最高楼层的楼梯，成为专门的活动，以支持恐怖主义。 Through an analysis of the available evidence, I identified nine different specialties involved in terrorist activities and networks.通过分析现有的证据，我确定了9个不同的专业从事恐怖活动和网络。 Both the research literature and the media typically focuses on the suicide bomber, a specialty that belongs to a category I have termed ‘fodder’.无论是研究文献和媒体通常侧重于自杀炸弹，一个专业，属于一类我称之为'饲料' 。 The eight other specialties are: source of inspiration, strategist, networker, technical expert, cell manager, local agitator and guide, local cell member, and fund raiser.在其他8个专业是：灵感的来源，战略家，网路，技术专家，细胞经理，地方搅拌器和指导，地方细胞的成员，并筹资。 Some of these specialties are more involved with the production and dissemination of ideology, while others tend to be consumers of ideology.其中的一些专业是更多地参与制作和传播的意识形态，而另一些往往是消费者的思想。
The higher individuals move up the staircase to terrorism, the lower the degrees of freedom.较高的个人移动的楼梯，恐怖主义，降低程度的自由。 In other words, the power of the context increases, and the behavioral options decrease, on the higher floors.换言之，权力的范围内增加，与行为的选择减少，在较高的楼层。 After an individual has become part of a terrorist group or network and has reached the highest floor, the only options left open are to try to kill, or be killed or captured.经过个人已成为一个恐怖组织或网络，并已达到的最高楼，唯一的办法是留下来杀死，或者被杀害或被俘。 Personality factors are less influential, and the context is all-powerful, on the highest floor.人格因素是影响力较小，而背景是强大的，最高的楼。 In contrast, on the lowest floors the degrees of freedom are greater, meaning that individuals have a wider variety of behavioral options, and personality factors play a larger role in determining who climbs up the staircase.与此相反，最低楼层的自由度更大，也就是说，个人有更多种类的行为选择，与个性因素中发挥更大作用确定谁爬上了楼梯。
The varying nature of degrees of freedom is evident in all situations where terrorism has existed.不同性质的自由度显然在所有情况下，恐怖主义的存在。 Consider the context of Northen Ireland.考虑的范围北爱尔兰。 When I visited Belfast to conduct interviews in the 1970s, it was like walking through a war zone.当我访问贝尔法斯特进行面谈在20世纪70年代，是这样走过战区。 For example, the offices of the British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC) were in a fortress building, surrounded by sandbags and barbed wire.例如，该办事处的英国广播公司（ BBC ）在堡垒建设，包围沙袋和铁丝网。 There was tremendous pressure within both Catholic and Protestant groups to conform to ingroup norms, and not only to maintain a distance from the outgroup but to condone acts of terrorism against the outgroup.有巨大的压力，内天主教和新教团体，以符合群体规范，不仅要保持距离的外类群，但纵容恐怖主义行为的打击外类群。 This was a situation of low degrees of freedom.这是一个很低的情况自由度。 Northern Ireland in 2008 is a very different place, where the normative system opposes terrorism and degrees of freedom are far greater.北爱尔兰在2008年是一个非常不同的地方，那里的规范体系反对恐怖主义和自由度要大得多。 In this transformed 21st century context, individual characteristics will be more influential in determining which individuals participate in and support terrorism.在这21世纪的转变方面，个别特点将更加有影响力的确定，个人参与和支持恐怖主义。

The Distance-Traveled Hypothesis远程访问假说
I now turn my attention to Muslims in the United States and in Europe, to consider specifically the issue of ‘home-grown’ terrorism.我现在谈谈我的注意，穆斯林在美国和欧洲，具体考虑的问题'土生土长的'恐怖主义。 Clearly, the relatively open nature of Western societies and the global reach of electronic technology and the world wide web means that the ideology of violent Islamist extremism is available to Muslims in the United States, as it is available in Europe.显然，相对开放的性质，西方社会和全球范围内的电子技术和万维网意味着意识形态的暴力伊斯兰极端主义提供给穆斯林在美国，因为它是在欧洲上市。 However, because of a variety of other factors, Islamic terrorism will be a greater threat in Europe, at least for the next few decades.然而，由于各种各样的其他因素，伊斯兰恐怖主义将是一个更大的威胁在欧洲，至少在今后几十年。 The most important of these other factors are briefly discussed below.其中最重要的其他因素，下文简要讨论。
*The ‘distance-traveled hypothesis’3 proposes that the distance immigrants have to travel in order to settle in a host country determines the (material, educational, and other) resources needed to succeed in the migration. *的'远程访问hypothesis'3提议，距离移民旅行，以解决在东道国确定（材料，教育等）所需资源，以成功地迁移。 Muslims need to have greater resources to move from the Middle East and North Africa to settle in the United States, than they do to settle in Europe.穆斯林需要有更多的资源从中东和北非定居在美国，超过他们解决在欧洲。 The greater resources of American Muslims in part explains the greater success of Muslims in the United States, particularly in terms of economic and educational attainment, relative to Muslims in Europe.更大的资源，美国的穆斯林，部分解释了更大的成功的穆斯林在美国，特别是在经济和教育程度，相对于在欧洲的穆斯林。
*Muslims arriving in the United States have had the resources, including in terms of values, needed to integrate into a competitive, open market system. *穆斯林抵达美国有资源，包括在价值观方面，需要融入竞争，自由开放的市场体系。 The openness of the American system and the ‘American dream, anyone can make it here’ belief system has worked well for Muslims in America.开放的美国制度和'美国梦，任何人都可以在这里进行的信仰制度一直运作良好穆斯林在美国。 The only serious exception I see to this is the potential for violent Islamist extremism taking root in US prisons, among individuals who become convinced they are being unjustly treated because of their group membership, they have no voice, and no hope for a better future.唯一的例外情况严重到我认为这是潜在的暴力伊斯兰极端主义扎根在美国监狱中，个人之间谁相信他们受到不公正待遇，因为他们组成员，他们没有发言权，没有希望，一个美好的未来。
*The situation of the approximately 20 million Muslims in Europe is more problematic. *的情况大约有20万穆斯林在欧洲是比较大的问题。 First, the largest groups of Muslims in Europe (South Asians in the UK, North Africans in France, Turks in Germany) have lower levels of important resources (income, educational attainment, and so on) compared to the local population.首先，最大的穆斯林团体在欧洲（南亚洲人在英国，北非的法国人，土耳其人在德国）的较低水平的重要资源（收入，教育程度，等等）相比，当地居民。 Second, these Muslims are geographically closer to major centers of violent Islamist extremist ideology (eg, Pakistan).第二，这些穆斯林是在地理上更接近中心的主要暴力的伊斯兰极端主义意识形态（例如，巴基斯坦） 。 Third, the major European countries are confronted by enormous challenges integrating Muslims, who tend to live in collective segregation.第三，欧洲主要国家都面临的巨大挑战穆斯林整合，谁往往住在集体隔离。 Anyone who wants to confirm this only has to walk through South Asian neighborhoods in major cities in England, or North African neighborhoods in major cities in France, or Turkish neighborhoods in major cities in Germany.任何人谁想要证实了这一点不仅已走过南亚地区的主要城市在英格兰，或北非地区的主要城市在法国，地区或土耳其的主要城市在德国。 Fourth, European countries are experimenting with a muddled array of integration strategies, from extreme assimilation, the washing away of intergroup differences (“Immigrants must become French”) to relativistic multiculturalism, the highlighting, strengthening, and celebration of intergroup differences (“Sharia law can be implemented in Muslim homes”).第四，欧洲国家正在试验一种糊涂的一系列一体化战略，从极端的同化，洗衣机以外的团体之间的分歧（ “移民必须成为法国” ） ，以相对论多元文化，在强调，加强和庆祝活动间的差异（ “伊斯兰教法可以执行在穆斯林的家园“ ） 。
*In both North America and in Europe, more constructive policies must be developed to manage diversity. *在北美和欧洲，更具建设性的政策，必须制定管理的多样性。 There are serious flaws in the current policies, both of the assimilation and multiculturalism varieties.4 The ‘third way’ alternative I advocate is omniculturalism, which involves using a foundation of psychological universals and human commonalities as a launching pad for valuing distinct identities.有严重缺陷的现行政策，双方的同化和多元文化varieties.4的'第三条道路'替代我主张是omniculturalism ，其中包括使用了基础的心理共性和人类的共性作为一个跳板的独特价值。 The end point of omniculturalism is a society whose members first recognize the importance of their common similarities and bonds, and on the basis of this ‘common’ foundation recognize and uphold the value of distinct local identities.终点omniculturalism是一个社会，其成员第一次认识到他们共同的相似之处和债券，并在此基础上的共同基金会承认和坚持的价值，不同地方的特性。 In omniculturalism, the celebration of intergroup commonalities serve as a stepping stone to the celebration and sharing of intergroup differences.在omniculturalism ，庆祝间的共同点，作为踏脚石庆祝和分享间的分歧。
*A policy of omniculturalism focuses particularly on transforming the economic, political, and cultural role of Muslim women, ensuring their equal progress and participation in the public sphere. *一个政策omniculturalism重点特别是对转变经济，政治和文化方面的作用穆斯林妇女，确保她们有平等的进步和参与公共领域。 Through the transformation of the role of Muslim women, relationships, roles, and socialization practices within the Muslim family will be changed to support open, democratic societies.通过改造中的作用穆斯林妇女，关系，作用和社会习俗的穆斯林家庭将有所改变，以支持开放的，民主的社会。 The healthy family is the basis for the healthy society.健康家庭的基础是健康的社会。
In exploring the ideological roots of violent Islamist extremism in the global context, it is vital to consider the active role Western societies should play.在探索的思想根源，暴力伊斯兰极端主义在全球范围，这是至关重要的考虑积极的作用西方社会应发挥。 In particular, the United States has global responsibilities that must not be neglected.特别是，美国的全球责任，决不能忽视。 The final part of my statement addresses this key issue.最后一部分我的发言解决这一关键问题。

The “New Global American Dilemma”5 “新的全球美国困境” 5
In a study of race-relations in the United States published under the title of An American Dilemma (1944),6 the brilliant Swedish researcher Gunnar Myrdal (1898-1987) accurately identified the first American dilemma.在研究种族关系在美国出版的标题下的美国困境（ 1944年） ，第6的辉煌瑞典研究员古达尔（ 1898年至1987年）准确地确定了首批美国的困境。 He pointed out that even after the official end of slavery in the United States, there continued to be a contradiction between, on the one hand the American rhetoric of freedom and liberty, and on the other hand the discriminatory mistreatment of African Americans.他指出，即使在正式结束奴隶制的美国，仍然是一个矛盾，一方面，美国的言论的自由和自由，另一方面，歧视性虐待的非裔美国人。 As we know, this historic dilemma was eventually resolved in favor of freedom and equality of opportunity through legislative and societal reform.正如我们所知，这一历史性难题终于解决，有利于自由和平等的机会，通过立法和社会改革。 There now looms a second historic dilemma confronting America, one that is global and demands a resolution.现在面临第二次历史性美国面临的困境，一个是全球性的，并要求一项决议。
The new global American dilemma arises out of the contradiction existing between American support for, on the one hand, so-called ‘friendly’ dictatorships in the Near and Middle East and, on the other hand, the right of all Muslims to live in open, democratic societies.新的全球美洲困境产生的矛盾，美国之间现有的支持，一方面，所谓的'友好'的独裁统治近东和中东，另一方面，权利的所有穆斯林都生活在开放，民主的社会。 The new global American dilemma is not ‘Democratic’ or ‘Republican’ or ‘Independent’ in political affiliation, it confronts all Americans and will have to be resolved through unified effort.新的全球美国的困境是不是'民主'或'共和党'或'独立'的政治派别，它面对所有的美国人，必须通过统一的努力。
The rhetoric of “freedom, equality of opportunity, and democracy for all” emanating from the White House over the last few decades has had a powerful impact on two groups in the Near and Middle East.言论“自由，平等的机会，和民主”的来自白宫在过去几十年了强大的影响，两个集团在近东和中东。 First, the vast majority of Muslims, and Muslim intellectuals in particular, immediately recognized the basic contradiction between the ‘democracy and freedom’ rhetoric of the United States, and the actual practice of continued support for certain dictatorships in the region.首先，绝大多数的穆斯林和穆斯林知识分子特别是立即承认基本矛盾之间的'民主与自由'的言论和美国的实际做法继续支持某些独裁政权在该地区。 The vast majority of Muslims recognize that it is through American support that certain dictatorships in the Near and Middle East continue to crush secular opposition groups, and prevent women and other minorities from gaining greater freedom and equality.绝大多数的穆斯林认识到，它是通过美国的支持，某些独裁政权在近东和中东地区继续镇压世俗的反对派团体，并防止妇女和其他少数民族获得更大的自由和平等。 A second group influenced by the ‘democracy and freedom’ rhetoric of American political leaders are Islamic Fundamentalists, who are fearful of any change that gives greater freedom to ordinary people, particularly women.第二组的影响， '民主与自由'的言论美国政治领导人的伊斯兰原教旨主义者，谁害怕任何改变，使更多的自由，以普通老百姓，特别是妇女。 Islamic fundamentalists have generally adopted an ‘anti-progress, anti-democracy’ position.伊斯兰原教旨主义者一般都通过了一项反进步，反民主的立场。
But why, then, do Islamic fundamentalists manage to gain sympathy and on some issues even some support from many Muslims, in both Western and non-Western societies?但是，为什么那么，伊斯兰原教旨主义管理获得的同情和对某些问题甚至一些支持，许多穆斯林，在西方和非西方社会？ Given the moderate positions of most Muslims, why would they sympathize with fundamentalists at least on some issues?鉴于温和的立场，大多数穆斯林，为什么他们同情原教旨主义者，至少在某些问题上？ The new global American dilemma is at the heart of this puzzle.新的全球困境是美国的核心这一难题。 Four related facts must be kept in mind.四个相关的事实必须牢记。 First, the US and its allies continue to support certain corrupt dictatorships in the Near and Middle East.首先，美国和其盟国继续支持某些腐败的独裁政权在近东和中东。 Second, dictatorships in the Near and Middle East refuse to allow the growth of secular, democratic opposition groups.第二，独裁政权在近东和中东拒绝允许增长的世俗的，民主的反对派团体。 Third, the only avenue open for collective activism in the Near and Middle East is the mosque - no dictator has the power to close mosques, although all dictators attempt to control what happens in mosques.第三，开放的唯一途径的集体活动中近东和中东地区的清真寺-没有独裁者的权力，密切清真寺，尽管所有的独裁者企图控制发生的事情的清真寺。 Fourth, fundamentalists use the mosque, and religious traditions broadly, to position themselves as the vanguard of opposition to so-called ‘pro-American’ dictatorships.第四，原教旨主义者使用的清真寺，以及广泛的宗教传统，以自己的立场的先锋队反对所谓的'亲美'独裁政权。 This is exactly what happened in Iran in the late 1970s, and in Algeria in the 1980s, and in a number of Islamic countries more recently.这正是发生在伊朗在20世纪70年代末，并在阿尔及利亚在上世纪80年代，并在一些伊斯兰国家最近。 The threat of fundamentalist groups is real and imminent in Egypt, Pakistan, and some other major Islamic societies.威胁的原教旨主义集团是真实的，即将在埃及，巴基斯坦和其他一些主要的伊斯兰社会。
Finally, as a psychologist I am aware that the new global American dilemma is increasing cognitive tensions among Americans.最后，作为一名心理学家据我所知，新的全球美国的困境是越来越多的认知之间的紧张局势美国人。 The United States should not and will not shrink from its global responsibilities.美国不应该也不会退缩的全球责任。 Increasing globalization means that the American public is becoming more aware of the contradiction between American rhetorical support for freedom, equality of opportunity, and democracy, and American practices in support of dictatorships in certain Muslim countries.日益全球化意味着美国公众越来越意识到之间的矛盾，美国口头上支持自由，平等的机会，和民主，美国的做法在支持独裁政权在某些穆斯林国家。 The history of American values will force a resolution to this dilemma, inevitably in favor of support for democracy rather than dictatorship.历史上美国的价值观将武力解决这一难题，必然有利于支持民主，而不是独裁。
Just as democracy in America is different from democracy in the United Kingdom, which is different from democracy in France, which is different from democracy in Germany, and so on, democracy in Iraq will evolve to be different from democracy in Pakistan, which will be different from democracy in Saudi Arabia, which will be different from democracy in Egypt, and so on.正如美国的民主不同，民主的联合王国，它不同于民主的法国，这是不同于民主德国，等等，民主的伊拉克将不断改进，以不同于民主的巴基斯坦，这将是不同于民主在沙特阿拉伯，这将是不同于埃及的民主，等等。 Contextualized democracy7 will eventually evolve in all Muslim countries, as it has in the West.背景democracy7最终将演变在所有穆斯林国家，因为它在西方。